ction in the early Nineties is not something to be proud of, it hardly ranks as a crime on the same level as the massive slaughter perpetrated by the Turkish government from the 1890s through to 1915 and beyond. The British, French and Dutch weren’t cheering on the Serbs: they (foolishly) believed that intervention would only make matters worse. Indeed Britain under Tony Blair was later instrumental in putting a stop to Serbian aggression, a point surely worth mentioning when trying to find a moral equivalence between Turkish behaviour towards its Christian minorities with Western European behaviour towards its Muslim minorities.
And the Irish Famine? Comparable to the Armenian Genocide?
There’s more special pleading:
One of Akçam’s most illuminating explanations [he’s reviewing this book by Taner Akçam] for contemporary Turkish genocide-denial is that the victorious British and French statesmen who pressed the issue, following their victory over the Ottomans in World War I, conflated it with anti-Turkish imperialist agendas. The Armenian Genocide had been the work of the nationalist ‘Committee of Union and Progress’ (CUP) – or ‘Young Turks’ – that ruled the Ottoman Empire during World War I. Following their defeat in the war, the next generation of Turkish nationalists under Mustafa Kemal – who actually included many of the same individuals – was initially ready to recognise the crimes against the Armenians and to prosecute some of those responsible, as the price for international approval. Yet as Akçam shows, the anti-Turkish vitriol of the British and French leaders; their determination to punish not merely the perpetrators of the genocide but the entire Turkish nation; and their attempts to dismember what was left of the Turkish state, caused a sea-change in Turkish attitudes.
It is tempting to suggest that ninety years later, certain Western politicians are still manipulating the Armenian question for cynical anti-Turkish purposes.
So anti-Turkish vitriol was responsible – and continues to be responsible – for the failure of the Turks to admit responsibility. Nothing to do with the Turks themselves.
Hoare concludes his article:
Akçam argues that confronting the fact of the Armenian Genocide is a necessity if Turkey is finally to complete the transition ‘from Empire to Republic’; i.e. the transition to a democratic state. He is undoubtedly right: Turkey should recognise the genocide. Yet the EU has no right to demand that it do so, so long as the Western European states themselves fail to recognise both their own historic crimes and the historic crimes committed against Europe’s indigenous Muslims.
But why should a Turkish admittance of guilt be dependant on a Western European mea culpa? Why is Hoare so determined to play down what happened, to put it into context: to argue, in effect, that in the end, and considering how brutal recent history has been, it was really nothing special. All that matters, surely, is the question, was the Armenian Genocide a crime against humanity, or was it not?